Ncert Class 12 Sociology Essay Example

Ncert Class 12 Sociology Essay Textbook of Sociology for Class XII SOCIAL CHANGE IN INDIA Textbook of Sociology for Class XII M. N. KARNA CONTENTS 1. Structural Processes of Change 2. Cultural Processes of Change 3. State and Social Change 4. Legislation and Democratic Decentralisation 5. Economic Development and Social Change 6. New Groups, Classes and Globalisation 7. Education and Social Change 8. Mass Media and Cultural Change 9. Dissent and Social Change 10. Social Deviance 1 14 25 36 47 57 69 77 86 99 STRUCTURAL PROCESSES OF CHANGE 1 CHAPTER 1 Structural Process of Change Change is a fact of human life. We may not be aware of it in our day-to-day experience but it continues to affect us in one way or the other. A hundred and thousand years might be a moment in the life of rocks and mountains but in human society changes take place in the course of merely a generation or two. Think of a situation in which your grandmother was living in a village where a large number of family members were staying together in one household. She had to maintain purdah and was not allowed to come out of the four walls of the house till she had become old. Now compare it with the condition of your mother. We will write a custom essay sample on Ncert Class 12 Sociology specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Ncert Class 12 Sociology specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Ncert Class 12 Sociology specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer Do you not find a change in the structure of your own family, now when only a few members are staying together ? Your uncle is living in another household with his wife and children. Likewise, your grandfather was an agriculturist but your father might have shifted to the urban area to take up a job in a government office. You will notice several corresponding changes even in the life-style of your own family. These alterations have occurred merely in a generation or two. A close look will reveal changes both in the structure and function of family and in patterns of occupations. It is this dimension of change that we intend to study in the present course. Our focus will be on the nature and extent of social change in contemporary Indian society. The study of social change in India is important for several reasons. It tells us how contemporary Indian society is transforming from a traditional society to a modern developed society. It shows how changes are occurring in our social institutions and what are the factors bringing about such changes. It also indicates our achievements as a nation and identifies problems and setbacks in certain areas of our life. Social change is a process, in the sense that it involves a series of events over a period of time. The idea of continuity is implied in it and shows a sequence of operations that bring about change. Thus, the notion of process indicates two major dimensions of social change—its nature and direction. While the nature of change reveals content of change, the direction speaks about the line in which it is moving. We intend to 2 SOCIAL CHANGE IN INDIA discuss here both the substance and the factors of change. Sociologists in India have analysed the process of social change under two broad categories—structural processes and cultural processes. Structural processes of change are due to a transformation in the network of social relationships. Caste, kinship, family and occupational groups constitute some of the structural realities. Change in these relationships is a structural change. When the traditional agrarian system based on family labour is transformed into agrarian system based on hired labour with a view to produce for the market, we may call it a structural change. The transfor mation of joint family to nuclear family brings about change in structure and function of family. It is through the process of differentiation of roles that structural change takes place. To put it differently, role of a social institution changes due to specific sequence of events making it more effective in the changed situation. In fact, structural differentiation of roles leads to functional specialisation. Reverting to our earlier example, in addition to procreation and rearing of children, joint family performed numerous roles in traditional society in the fields of education, occupation and social security . But after its transformation into nuclear family most of these functions have been taken over by specialised agencies such as schools, economic organisations, government departments and other institutions. Structural change as a result of role differentiation is noticed in almost all domains of social life. You are already familiar with the factors of social change. Therefore, we shall focus on structural processes of social change namely, industrialisation, Westernisation and modernisation. INDUSTRIALISATION Science is an important element of human heritage that produces a systematic knowledge of nature. Technology, on the other hand, is that element which contains the application of this knowledge. In this sense, technology has a utilitarian goal. It has developed mainly due to a desire to apply it for the advantage of common people. This goal has been realised in almost every sphere—industry, agriculture, transport, communication and such other areas. The rapid changes that we experience in our dayto-day life are related to the development of new techniques, new inventions and new modes of production. The application of modern technology in industry has influenced not only our economic life but also our social and cultural system. Industrialisation is a process of technological advancement from domestic production with simple tools to large-scale factory based production. However, sociologically, the term implies a process of economic and social changes arising out of the change in the structure of industry. Industrialisation involves a broad range of social factors that deeply affect the character of social STRUCTURAL PROCESSES OF CHANGE 3 life. For instance, factories give rise to elaborate division of labour, new work culture, etc. Industrialisation in India A wide network of domestic and cottage industries was existing in India even prior to British colonial rule. But modern large-scale industry came only during the later part of the nineteenth century after the Industrial Revolution in Europe. Between the 1850’s when the first major industries started, and 1914 India had established the world’s largest jute manufacturing industry, the fifth largest cotton textile industry and the third largest railway network. In this manner, India had almost a century of industrial development on the eve of the independence. After independence, the pace of industrialisation was significantly accelerated during the periods of FiveYear Plans. It saw the expansion and diversification of the industrial structure with the establishment of several new units. In 1951, there were only two major units producing iron and steel. The number of such major steel plants increased to six by 1980s with the installed capacity of 80 lakh tonnes. The country has made considerable progress in the field of new industries, agricultural tractors, electronics, fertiliser etc. , which were practically nonexistent in 1951. The textile industry is no longer confined to cotton and jute textiles but to a large number of units producing different types of synthetic fibres. An important feature of industrial growth after independence has been the rapid expansion of the public sector enterprises. These produce diverse products such as steel, coal, heavy and light engineering goods, locomotives, aircraft, petroleum products and fertilizers. A brief sketch of industrial growth in India may give us an idea of the extent of industrialisation that has taken place in the country since attaining independence. Social Consequences of Industrialisation We may now turn our attention to the economic and social consequences of industrialisation. Our economic life has witnessed tremendous structural change in the wake of industrialisation. Production has been brought substantially to the factory. Elaborate division of labour, pecialisation of tasks and the growth of a class of industrial workers have resulted from changes in the industrial system. Similarly, the nature of agricultural production has also changed because of change in agricultural practices. With the alteration in agricultural practices, alterations have also occurred in agrarian relations and the life-styles of farm househo lds. Moreover, industrialisation has changed the family mode of production and women are increasingly found in farms, firms and factories to perform different tasks. The new economic role has placed women in the new 4 SOCIAL CHANGE IN INDIA nvironment where they experience a changed social status. This new role of women in turn has brought greater participation of women in decision making in the family. These changes have occurred due to occupational diversification that has been brought about by industrialisation. For example, it cannot be expected that all working members of a family will get jobs in similar occupations and professions and will be posted at the same place. One member, for example, may be engaged in the cultivation of family land in Uttar Pradesh and the other may take up an employment as an engineer in Chennai. Under these circumstances, the break-up of a joint family into small nuclear families is natural. Such structural changes are also accompanied by functional distinctive-ness. For example, the traditional joint family as mentioned earlier, was a multifunctional institution. It had innumerable economic, educational, recreational, socialisational and biological functions. Now, except for the biological and socialisational functions of the family, most of the other functions have been taken over by formal economic organisations, associations and the state. Development of transport and communication have resulted in far reaching consequences. Railways, automobiles and marine transportations have not only increased spatial mobility but have also quickened the rate of internal and external migration. A large number of people are migrating from rural to urban areas to take up new occupations. Similarly, both skilled and unskilled women and men are travelling out of the country in search of better careers. Changes are also witnessed in the system of social stratification. Significant changes are observed in the case of caste system, which is an important structural reality of Indian social system. The separation between caste and occupation is a significant change that has taken place. The occupational diversification has made several occupations ‘caste free’. It is, however, more in towns than in villages and even greater in the large industrialised cities. A considerable number of people located earlier at the lower levels of caste hierarchy and engaged in caste-based occupations are now entering into new occupations. Likewise, castes considered higher in the hierarchy are coming forward for occupations not preferred earlier. The members of lower castes dispensed with traditional occupations primarily because they were considered ‘impure’ and were endowed with low status besides being less profitable. On the other hand, members of upper castes such as Brahmin, Rajput and Kayasth in North India were compelled to take up work like manual labourers, peons in offices and such other low status jobs. In addition to modifications in occupational structure and mobility, changes are seen in the inter-caste power structure. We have so far analysed the socio-economic consequences of STRUCTURAL PROCESSES OF CHANGE 5 industrialisation but we should not overlook one basic fact in this regard. The way in which a society responds to the industrial changes depends on its own creative genius and social environment. We, therefore, find a substantial difference between one society and another in the degree to which changes take place as a result of industrialisation. impersonal. The relationship is based on a complex division of labour and is contractual in nature. Urbanisation in India India is a land of villages and will remain so for decades to come. However, it does not mean that cities have been absent from this vast sub-continent. Existence of cities in India can be traced back to as early as third millennium B . C . Archeological excavations reveal older traces of urbanisation. Historians tell us that a truly urban civilisation emerged in the Indus Valley with Mohenjodaro and Harappa as important urban centres. In addition to these two cities, several other urban settlements such as Kalibangan in northern Rajasthan, Lothal in Gujarat and Banwali in Haryana also emerged as the major centres. In the subsequent period, urbanisation was not confined to a particular area. This phase of urbanisation finds mention in the postVedic literature in the north and Sangam literature in the south. The Buddhist texts also mention the existence of the urban centres. Furthermore, urbanisation during the medieval times was spread out from Srinagar in the north to Madurai in the south. This period was marked more by the revival of old cities than the establishment of new cities and towns. These preindustrial cities, however, existed primarily as centres of pilgrimage, as royal capitals and as trading centres. Cities with modern industrial character grew in India only after the URBANISATION Urbanisation is a process by which people instead of living in villages start living in towns and cities. It involves a mode by which agriculture-based habitat is transformed into nonagricultural urban habitat. The growth of urban centres is the result of accelerated industrial and service functions. An increase in the size of towns and cities leading to growth of urban population is the most significant dimension of urbanisation. These centres are essentially non-agricultural in character. Urbanisation as a structural process of change is related to industrialisation but it is not always the result of industrialisation. In certain cases, urbanisation has taken place even without industrialisation. Industrialisation is always connected with economic growth but we cannot say the same about urbanisation. Urban environment produces a particular kind of social life which Lois Wirth, a core member of the Chicago School, calls urbanism. Social life in cities is more formal and 6 SOCIAL CHANGE IN INDIA contact with the West. The process of urbanisation was accelerated during the British colonial regime. The British Indian administration promoted urbanisation on a large scale. The major port towns of Kolkata, Mumbai and Chennai owe their beginning, growth and importance to the colonial efforts. Similarly, regional summer capitals were established in remote mountainous areas like Srinagar, Shillong and Shimla. The princely states did not develop as fast but even they had capital towns. Some of the princely states like Hyderabad, Indore, Jaipur and Mysore had population exceeding one lakh. The urban scenario changed remarkably after independence. The proportion of urban population to the total population increased from 17. 6 per cent in 1951 to 25. 7 per cent in 1991. The number of cities with population of one million or more increased from 5 to 23 during the same period. According to the census of 2001 urban population stands at 27. 78 per cent and number of cities having population more than one million has increased to 35. The noteworthy growth of urban population after independence has been largely due to the rapid increase in population, ruralurban migration, city-centred industrialisation and the over all neglect of villages. The emerging trends of urbanisation in India reveal that urban migration is fairly significant. A large number of people from rural areas are shifting not only to big cities but even to medium-sized cities and small towns. Distance is not a barrier. One readily finds villagers moving from farflung areas of north Indian state to the cities in south India. Migrants are mainly employed in manufacturing and service occupations. Besides, the seasonal migration of unskilled labourers, too, has become common. We find labourers from Andhra Pradesh, Bihar and Orissa working in agricultural farms of Punjab, Haryana and western Uttar Pradesh. Labourers begin with seasonal migration and later on start settling permanently in areas of their choice. Social Effects of Urbanisation Let us now turn to the social effects of accelerated urbanisation. Urbanisation has altered the structure of joint family as a result of occupational diversification. Consequently, the functions of family and kinship have declined considerably. The traditional family norms are relaxed and interpersonal relationships have become more formal. An urban child now grows within much smaller world. No kinsmen are available in nuclear family to take care of her/ him. The child has to select playmates outside the family. In this manner, the child develops a new type of personality characterised by ideas of freedom and innovation. Such a situation is remarkably different from the environment of dependence found in a joint family. The nature of love and affection in interpersonal relationship has also changed. While children and STRUCTURAL PROCESSES OF CHANGE 7 their mothers receive considerable attention, sentiments and attachment towards other relatives have weakened. Likewise, the division of domestic duties between wife and husband is changing in the urban settings. They both share domestic duties, as there is no other adult member available to share the burden. Thus, social life in urban areas faces isolation due to diminishing kinship obligations. Several ties that formerly bound members of the family to group and community life are now broken. Consequently, the quality of human relationships tends to become more formal and impersonal. Another visible change is in the domain of caste identity. Urban dwellers participate in networks that include persons of several castes. Individual achievement and modern status symbols have become more important than caste identity. Caste norms are not strictly maintained which is manifest in commensal relations, marital alliances and in occupational relations. It is, thus, possible to suggest that urban way of life has made people think more as individuals than as members of a particular caste. The importance of ascription as the basis of social status is declining and the significance of achievement is taking its place. The level of education, nature of occupation and the level of income are now major indicators of one’s achievement in an urban setup. Therefore, people recognise education, occupation and income as prerequisites for higher ocial status. It does not mean that the achieved status has completely replaced ascribed status and class has fully overshadowed caste. It is, however, necessary to clarify that changes brought about by urbanisation have not altogether replaced the traditional patterns of family, kinship and caste. They go through adaptations and their functions are not completely erod ed. Urban Problems We have already seen how urbanisation is proceeding at a considerable pace in India. It has affected different domains of people’s life. The expansion of urban centres has also given rise to a variety of problems. The physical space is dingy, quality of life is poor and urban governance is unimaginative. Overcrowding and pollution, sub-standard housing and slums, crime and delinquency, alcoholism and drug abuse are a few of them. We shall discuss some of them which have far reaching consequences for the country. Urban overcrowding is the result of the massive size of India’s urban population. Its impact is visible in declining services in the areas of housing, water supply, sanitation, transport, power supply and employment opportunity. Increasing number of homeless people, high rate of rent and a scramble for the few available houses are commonly found in most of the cities and towns. The density of urban population in India works out to be around 3, 500 persons 8 SOCIAL CHANGE IN INDIA per square kilometre in 1991. This is more than the accepted norm of 400 per square kilometre. Thus, urban areas have more people than they can support with the available infrastructure. Related to the problem of housing and overcrowding is the problem of slums. The slum is an area of dingy neglected houses where people live in poverty without minimum civic amenities. The estimates of India’s urban population living in slums vary widely. However, according to an estimate, not less than 45 million people were living in slums in 1995 and as the urban population is increasing fast, their number must have had increased by now. It is said that the Indian population living in slums is more than the total population of about 107 countries of the world. Generally, the larger a city, the more the people live in slums. Naturally, metros like Mumbai, Delhi and Kolkata have more slums than the small and medium size towns. In 1991, slum-dwellers formed 45 per cent of the population in Mumbai, 44 per cent in Delhi and 42 per cent in Kolkata. The situation is no better in other metropolises like Chennai, Bangalore, Hyderabad, Ahmadabad etc. In reality, the problems of slums are multiplying in the wake of city’s incapacity to meet the rising demands of growing population. Pollution is another major problem of cities. There are several sources of rising pollution. Cities discharge 40 to 60 per cent of their entire sewage and industrial effluents into the adjoining rivers. The smaller towns ump garbage and excreta into the nearest waterways through their open drains. Likewise, urban industries pollute the atmosphere with smoke and gases from their old chimneys. Vehicular emission in Delhi accounts for 64 per cent of its air pollution. In fact, Delhi has the dubious distinction of being one of the most polluted cities in the world. The poison that we put in the environment comes back to us through air , water and food. It gradually causes diseases and disorders making life miserable and hazardous. The issue of environmental pollution in urban areas has been recognised and steps have been taken to ease the situation. Even the Supreme Court of India intervened and ordered closure of polluting industrial units in Delhi. Recently, the use of nonpolluting Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) has been made mandatory for buses and three-wheelers in Delhi as per the order of the Supreme Court. There are a number of other problems faced by urban centres which are not discussed here for the sake of brevity. Important among them are the problems of urban poverty, urban planning and urban governance. MODERNISATION Modernisation is both an idea and a process. As it is an idea, there is no agreement among social scientists on its meaning and interpretation. In the decades after the Second World War it was believed in industrial capitalist STRUCTURAL PROCESSES OF CHANGE 9 countries such as Britain and the United States that the key to economic development in the Third World was modernisation. The concept of modernisation, thus, emerged as an explanation of how these societies developed through capitalism. By providing such an explanation Western scholars desired to convince the underdeveloped countries like India that economic development was possible under capitalism. According to this approach, modernisation depends primarily on introduction of technology and the knowledge required to make use of it. Besides, several social and political prerequisites have been identified to make modernisation possible. Some of these prerequisites are: 1. increased levels of education, 2. development of mass media, 3. accessible transport and communication, 4. democratic political institutions, 5. more urban and mobile population, 6. nuclear family in place of extended family, 7. complex division of labour, 8. declining public influence of religion, and; 9. eveloped markets for exchange of goods and services in place of traditional ways of meeting such needs. Modernisation is, thus, supposed to be the result of the presence of these prerequisites in the social system. It is clear that the term modernisation has been used here in a very broad sense. We, therefore, find different views about the scope and area to be covered by the concept of modernisation. Some soc iologists limit modernisation to its structural aspect, others emphasise its cultural dimension. A few studies highlight the issue of political modernisation and still others analyse its psychological meaning. Of course, the treatment of the concept in terms of it being a process of social change is found in Learner’s writing. Daniel Lerner in his essay on ‘Modernisation’, included in Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences, explains modernisation in these words: â€Å"Modernisation is the current term for an old process — the process of social change whereby less developed societies acquired characteristics common to more developed societies. † He further writes, â€Å"Modernisation, therefore, is the process of social change in which development is the economic component. Obviously this understanding of the term corresponds with the meaning which we have given to the term at the beginning of our discussion. Accordingly, modernisation is a process of change, which takes a country from underdevelopment to development. It produces social environment for economic development. The growth in industrialisation, urbanisation, national income and per capita income are taken as criteria of development. However, while accepting the economic criteria of development, some sociologists have added non-economic 10 SOCIAL CHANGE IN INDIA riteria to judge development. They argue that rising output alone is not sufficient to assess the level of development. A society has to move from rising output to self-sustaining growth. Therefore, non-economic criteria such as the level of education, function of media, growth of communication and social norms conducive to change have to be taken into consideration. The meaning of modernisation given above incorporates primarily, structural aspects of change. In other words, with modernisation structural transformation takes place in economy, polity and social institutions. It is to be noted here that the concept of modernisation has also been explained in cultural terms. In this sense, modernisation implies change in values and attitudes. Modernity involves values and norms that are universal in nature. Explaining this aspect of moder nisation Yogendra Singh suggests that modernisation implies a rational attitude towards issues and their evaluation from a universal viewpoint. Thus, technological advancement and economic growth are not the sole criterion to judge the level of modernisation of a society. The commitment to scientific world-view and humanistic ideas are equally important. Moreover, the idea of modernisation has also been analysed in terms of the paired concepts of tradition and modernity. It has been argued that modernity stands as opposite of tradition. In this sense, all the underdeveloped societies are characterised as traditional and the developed societies as modern. Modernisation, thus, implies a change from tradition to modernity. Change occurs, according to this view, in predictable direction. In other words, in order to modernise, every society has to follow the same direction and adopt a similar path. All the existing values and structures have to be replaced by the new values and structures. Nonetheless, sociologists from the developing countries are critical of this understanding of modernisation. They maintain that modernisation does not stand as a polar opposite to tradition. Traditional values and institutions are not necessarily discarded while taking up new values in the process of change. Society adopts new values because they are considered more efficient and rewarding. In view of this, these sociologists hold that modernisation would develop typical forms in different societies. Patterns of modernisation, thus, may vary from society to society. The discussion shows that processes of modernisation involve both structural and cultural dimensions. However, given the present context, we shall deal with modernisation primarily as a structural process of change. Modernisation in India Some sociologists make a distinction between social change and modernisation in order to assess the nature of change in the traditional Indian society. Though, social change occurred in traditional India, it was essentially pre-modern in nature. One STRUCTURAL PROCESSES OF CHANGE 11 raditional institution was just replaced by the other and no basic structural change took place in social system and culture. Historically, modernisation in India started from the establishment of the British rule and has continued even after independence. The nature and direction of modernisation during these two phases have been different. Therefore, it is appropriate to examine the processes of moderni sation under two distinct phases — the colonial phase and the post-colonial phase. As has been mentioned earlier, modernisation in India commenced after the arrival of the British rule. The contact with the West brought about far reaching changes in social structure and cultural institutions. Changes were witnessed in almost all important areas of life. The British administration introduced new arrangements in legal, agrarian, educational and administrative domains. Most of these led to structural modernisation. For instance, the bureaucratic system of administration and judiciary introduced by them were based on modern rational norms, which replaced the traditional Indian legal norms, based on the principle of hierarchy and ascription. A similar transformation took place in the system of education and agrarian structure. The Western system of education was introduced towards the middle of the nineteenth century and expanded significantly thereafter. New patter ns of land settlements such as Zamindari, Raiyatwari and Mahalwari covering the whole of British India resulted in systematisation of revenue administration. Some other areas experiencing modernising trends were industrialisation, urbanisation, transport and communication, army and the emergence of industrial working class and so forth. The emergence and growth of a nationalist political leadership was also the result of growing modernisation of Indian society. In fact, the nationalist leadership became so strong towards the early part of the twentieth century that freedom movement itself generated a new culture of modernisation. It is apparent from the above that the colonial phase of modernisation created a wide network of structure and culture which was modern and had an all-India appeal. However, it is important to point out here that during the colonial phase the local regional structures of family, caste and village community remained more or less unaffected by the forces of modernisation. At these levels, the British, by and large, followed a policy of least interference. Consequently, we do not find much change in the structures of family, caste and village. Let us, now, briefly examine the process of modernisation in the postcolonial India. Modernisation process has undergone some fundamental changes after the Independence. Every domain of social system is under the active influence of modernising process. Modernisation has, now, become an integral part of the developmental strategy. 12 SOCIAL CHANGE IN INDIA The political system has assumed a new shape after the adoption of a parliamentary form of government based on adult franchise. Political parties have emerged as powerful organs of the system. Thus, democratic political structure has effectively led to increasing political consciousness among people. The process of politicisation has, further, been accelerated through the Panchayati Raj institutions. The foundations of traditional family structure have come under the influence of legal reforms in marriage and inheritance. The family introduced egalitarian norms in family leading to raised status of women. Similarly, caste has assumed new functional roles. It has acquired an associational character. New consciousness has emerged among dalits. Increasing role of caste in politics is a pointer to this trend. Moreover, land reforms, too, have brought structural transformation in agrarian social structure. However, it is pertinent to call attention to the fact that modernisation in India has not been a uniformly progressive movement. Two crucial issues may be pointed out in this regard. First, in the process of modernisation several traditional institutions and activities have been reinforced. For example, religious pre

The Vietnam War Essays (426 words) - Vietnam War, Free Essays

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No child left behind - Essay Example Until 2008, all students who are in elementary through high school will be required to take a science exam. Second, based on test results, there are many students who didnt receive good grades on their tests. As such, the school must do everything in their power to improve these grades. If the students dont do well, the school must reduce the number of teachers, which would make class sizes larger. Also, the government will reduce the number of supplies that the school gets. Third, if a teacher cannot improve the students’ grades three years in a row, then the government can fire the teacher. The educational process should be evaluated because it has become a big problem. Children with disabilities are excluded from schools, and therefore proper education, and teachers can also conduct problems, which affects the way that students learn. Furthermore, assessments for children with disabilities need specific adjustments that modify the line of achievement goals, regardless of a child’s disability, that can be applied to all students. There greatest problem with this is that many disabled children are unable to learn at the same pace as other students, and they may not have the same capacity for retaining knowledge. It would be unfair to judge disabled kids with abled kids, and vice versa. However, some people agree with this policy. Even those who made the education policy mandates on assessments by the execution of educational research and policy, as well as the annual math and reading tests to follow the students learning progress, believe that there is a lot to b e argued about No Child Left Behind. Most schools do not want want to accept this law and many people, including experts, feel that the entire legislation should be

Team, Groups and Diversity In the Workplace Essay

Team, Groups and Diversity In the Workplace - Essay Example Back in the old days, the big players were top management; however, business structures have changed placing emphasis on the crucial role of business units known as â€Å"teams† or groups†. Although we often hear these two words used interchangeably, it would be best for any leader to know the significant difference between the two. Group or Team: Why It Matters The most common definition of a group given by social scientists is that it is composed of two or more people that have social interaction which seems quite simple. So two or three people stranded in an elevator is already considered a group. However, Katzenbach and Smith (1993) defined group as â€Å" two or more people who interact primarily to share information, best practices, or perspectives and to make decisions to help each individual perform within his or her area of responsibility† ( qtd. from Kane,1998). There is no need to meet a performance need nor to share accountability, according to the aut hors. They simply have to share experiences and help one another. On the other hand, aâ€Å"  team is a group of people coming together interdependently and cooperatively by accomplishing a purpose and goal. We know that working in a team, they will be conflicts, but assisting each other, we can build a firm team. ( De Janasz-Dowd-Schneider, 2005,Pg.187)  . The description can be plainly seen in the workings of any athletic team who need to train together for one purpose: win a championship. A small group can become a valuable team to any business unit. Once the team members are collective in their purpose and action, the leader would just steer them in the right direction for success to follow. However, one of the challenges in the work place today is diversity because globalization makes people from different cultures to work together. It is expected that conflicts would arise because people have different opinions on a certain issue. Challenges To A Team Hofstede’s st atement is clear â€Å"Culture is more often a source of conflict than of synergy. Cultural differences are a nuisance at best and often a disaster†. A diverse workplace presents different cultures which cannot be avoided. Culture is inherent in a society, and that culture affects and influences the way that particular society conducts its business (Henry, 1999). Nonetheless, even teams composed of one nationality would always have conflicts because humans have different beliefs. Katzenbach and Smith (1993), write in an article titled, The discipline of teams, note â€Å"When individuals approach a team situation, especially in a business setting, each has preexisting job assignments as well as strengths and weaknesses reflecting a variety of talents, backgrounds, personalities, and prejudices† (p. 168). Hence, team leaders need to face the challenge of bringing talented people together who may often disagree on a issue. Team leaders can be effective un dealing with co nflicts by helping members cultivate trust and respect to other members of team. A team leader can place guidelines that can help the team achieve its objectives. Instead of criticizing a team member who is not performing well, assistance must be given first to enable that team member cope with the group. The Importance of Diversity While diversity may bring challenges to an organization, particularly to a team, it can also contribute to the success of an organization. First of all, diversity encourages creativity so people in a diverse team can come up with new products and services. Second, having a diverse set of team members would ensure you that your organization is attuned to global customers. Consumers are not only concentrated

Poverty Java Poor

Poverty Java Poor This thesis examines the incidence of poverty in Central Java in the period from 1996 to 2002. Susenas expenditure data in 1996, 1999 and 2002 were used to measure the incidence of poverty based on the Foster, Greer, and Thorbeckce (FGT) index. Using the decomposition formula developed by Huppi and Ravallion (1991a, 1991b), this thesis also investigates the effects of urban and rural poverty on the change in overall poverty. The incidence of poverty was higher in rural than that urban areas before the economic crisis. However, the urban poverty has worsened more significantly than the rural poverty after the crisis, as indicated by the higher headcount and poverty gap index in 1999. Spatially, poor people were distributed unevenly across districts. There were two major clusters of poor districts: one in the eastern part and the other in the middle of Central Java. One of the policy implications from our analysis is that poverty reduction programs seem to be more effective if they are targeting the poor in specific location. Poverty reduction programs should be targeted both on rural and urban poor people with specific policy measures and instruments between the rural and urban sectors. Since economic growth is found to be very effective in reducing poverty in both rural and urban areas, growth promoting policies in general should be conducive to alleviating poverty across the country. CHAPTER 1 Introduction 1.1. Background Central Java is one of six provinces in Java Island, which is the heart of Indonesia. It is located between West Java and East Java. Administratively, it consists of 29 kabupatens (regencies) and 6 kota (municipalities). According to data from Indonesia Population Census, the population of Central Java was 31,223,258 in 2000 and 31,997,968 in 2005. Compared to other provinces, it is the third most populous province in Indonesia, with the percentage of 15.2 % in 1995, 15.2 % in 2000 and 14.6% in 2005 out of the total national population of the country. According to Indonesia poverty information data base, 19.04 % of the poor people of Indonesia lived in this area. Among other provinces in Java, Central Java has the lowest GRDP. Until 1996, the growth rate of the GRDP was approximately 7% per year. In 1997, its GRDP shrank and grew negatively due to the economic crisis. The economic crisis following the currency depreciation triggered the increase of price of basic needs, especially foods. The inflation rate in Central Java increased sharply from 5.4 % in 1996 to 10.9 % in 1997 and reached 75.5 % in 1998. This undoubtedly affected the living standard of the people. The people not only suffered from the price increase, but also lost their jobs. Many industries collapsed, increasing the unemployment rate in Indonesia, including Central Java that brought many households into poverty. 1 1.2. Objectives of Study Firstly, the objective of this study is to examine the poverty incidence in Central Java in 1996, 1999, and 2002. By calculating the incidence of poverty using the FGT measure for each kabupaten and kota, this study tries to describe the spatial distribution of poor people at the district level. It aims at finding out the most severe districts in the period from 1996 to 2002. Using the same poverty measurement, the incidence of poverty is also measured for urban and rural areas, to investigate where the poor are concentrated. Secondly, using the decomposition formula developed by Huppi and Ravallion (1991a), this study also aims at investigating the influence of poverty incidence in urban and rural areas on aggregate poverty changes in Central Java. 1.3. Organization This study has six chapters, including this introductory chapter. Chapter 2 provides a literature review of studies on the impact of economic crisis on poverty and living standard in Indonesia, and the spatial analysis on poverty. Chapter 3 presents an overview of Central Java economic performance in 1996-2002 and poverty reduction policies that have been implemented in Central Java. Chapter 4 describes the method and the data used in this study. Chapter 5 presents the pattern of poverty in urban and rural areas and pattern of poverty by kabupaten/kota. Finally, chapter six presents the conclusions. CHAPTER 2 Literature Review 2.1. The Impacts of Macroeconomics Condition on Poverty Studies on the impact of the changes in macroeconomic condition and government policy on poverty have been conducted by many researchers. Their objectives were to find desirable development policies to facilitate poverty alleviation. One of the interesting issues is the impact of the financial crisis that caused high inflation in the mid 1997. Since poverty is often defined in terms of income, price changes must have a significant effect on individuals living standard. The external shock that affected macroeconomic condition in Indonesia in the mid 1980s was the declining of oil prices which caused GDP per capita growth rates to fall sharply (Huppi and Ravallion, 1991b). To examine how this shock affected the aggregate poverty in Indonesia, Huppy and Ravalion (1991a) employed the Foster, Greer, and Thorbecke (FGT) index to measure the incidence of poverty. Using Susenas data in 1984 and 1987, they developed a decomposition formula to assess relative gains to the poor within the specific sectors and the contribution of each sector to the change in aggregate poverty. They found that aggregate poverty, both in urban and rural areas in Indonesia declined during this adjustment period. 3 Using the same data and method, Huppi and Ravallion (1991b) continued their research to examine the change in the sectoral structure of poverty in the adjustment period. They employed their decomposition formula to examine the sectoral gains due to the reduction in aggregate poverty. According to the findings, a high concentration of poverty was found in rural farming areas, therefore gains within rural farming sector had the highest contribution to the aggregate poverty reduction. An increase in rural farming sectors mean income and consumption had strong contribution due to aggregate poverty reduction. This study also found that more than a half of the gains were contributed by rural farming sector in Central Java and East Java. After the adjustment period, Indonesia was hit by the financial crisis in the mid 1997, which caused a significant decline in GDP per capita. Friedman and Levinsohn (2002) analyzed the distributional impact of Indonesias financial crisis on household welfare. They used the consumption module of the 1996 National Socio-Economic Survey (SUSENAS) as the pre crisis data and monthly price data for 44 cities throughout Indonesia from January 1997 to October 1998. They matched both data to obtain compensating variation which is the amount of money sufficient to compensate households following price changes and enable a return to pre crisis level utility (Friedman and Levinsohn, 2002). According to their finding, the impact of the crisis on household welfare depends on the consumption choice, sources of income, and location, i.e., urban and rural areas. In general, households were severely affected, and the urban poor was the most adversely affected by the crisis. Rural poor were not affecte d as much as the urban poor because of their ability to produce food to mitigate high inflation. Skoufias et al.(2000) also conducted a research about the changes in household welfare, poverty and inequality during the crisis. They used the 100 village survey data conducted by CBS (Indonesian Central bureau of Statistics) in May 1997 and August 1998. Using the social welfare function developed by Atkinson in 1970, where welfare at time t is the function of the mean level of per capita consumption expenditure (PCE) in period t multiplied by one minus the level of inequality in the distribution of PCE in period t, they investigated the changes in households welfare. They used the Foster, Greer, and Thorbecke (FGT) index to calculate the incidence of poverty, while to calculate inequality, they used the generalized entropy class of indices, the Gini index and Atkinson index. The findings of this study were that the welfare of Indonesias household decreased in the first year of the economic crisis and the incidence of poverty doubled. One of the other studies about the dynamics of poverty during the crisis was Suharyadi et al. in 2003. To obtain a complete picture on the changes in poverty during the crisis, they used a consistent series of data which were obtained from various sources. The method used for estimating the change in the headcount ratio with the poverty line equal to the food poverty line plus non food poverty line after considering the change in prices (inflation rate) during the crisis. The result was that the headcount ratio fluctuated over the period, and reached the peak in 1998 then declined until 2001. After 2001, it started to increase, but until the early 2002. This study found that there were approximately 36 million additional people who experienced absolute poverty. Suharyadi and Sumarto (2003) investigated poverty and vulnerability in Indonesia before and after the crisis. The study used the three-step feasible generalized least square (FGLS) method to investigate the vulnerability, by combining 1996 SUSENAS as pre crisis data and 1999 SUSENAS as the post crisis data with the village potential (PODES) datasets. The result showed that the poverty incidence increased significantly, and the chronic poor (the poor who have consumption expenditures below the poverty line and will most likely stay poor in the near future) increased from 20% before crisis to 35% after the crisis. ( Suharyadi and Sumarto, 2003). Using SUSENAS data of 1984 and 1990, Cameron (2000) examined the impacts of the changes in age, educational structure, and industrial structure on poverty and inequality in Java by employing the method used by DiNardo et al., (1996). This study modified the method used by DiNardo by decomposing the changes in cumulative distribution functions, Lorenz curves and generalized Lorenz curves. Following DiNardo, the decomposition was presented visually rather than in statistical form. The results show that poverty in Java decreased during the period from 1984 to 1990, but income inequality increased in the same period. Increase in educational attainment, income of less educated workers and income of outside agriculture workers contributed to the poverty reduction in Java. On the other hand, an increase in non-agricultural income and education attainment also contributed to the inequality increase. 2.2. Spatial Analysis on Poverty Poverty can also be analyzed spatially. It is a spatially heterogeneous phenomenon where poor people tend to be clustered in specific places. Geographic variation in the incidence and magnitude of poverty is due to such spatial factors as natural resource endowments and access to services including health care, education, labor and products markets (Henninger and Snel, 2002). Islam and Khan in 1986 conducted a study on spatial pattern of poverty and inequality by using Susenas data in 1976. Inequality measures used in this study were Gini ratio, Atkinson index, Theil T index, and Theil L index, while to measure poverty, they used head count index, poverty gap index and Sen index, with different poverty lines for each province. This study investigated the correlation between poverty (using Sen index) and income inequality (using Atkinson index) by categorizing the incidence of poverty and income inequality into three categories, low, medium and high. Seven provinces, i.e., Jambi, South Kalimantan, Aceh, East Kalimantan, North Sumatra, Bali, and Central Kalimantan, had low poverty and low inequality. Six provinces, i.e., Yogyakarta, West Java, West Nusa Tenggara, South Sumatra, Riau and Bengkulu had medium level of poverty and medium level of inequality. Provinces which had high levels of poverty and inequality were Lampung, North Sulawesi, East Nusa Tengga ra, Central Sulawesi, Maluku, South Sulawesi and South East Sulawesi. Jakarta had low poverty but high inequality, West Kalimantan had a medium level of poverty but high inequality, West Sumatra had a medium level of poverty and low inequality, while Central and East Java had high poverty and a medium level of inequality. To examine the effect of a regional poverty target program in Indonesia, Daimon (2001) conducted a research on the spatial dimension of welfare and poverty. He found that there were significantly different social effects of the economic crisis across geographical locations. This study used spatial econometric method to estimate the spatial poverty trap in Indonesia. The data used was the Indonesian Family Life Survey (IFLS) in 1993, which included 6,000 households throughout 13 provinces in Indonesia. Poverty target program, called Inpres Desa Tertinggal (IDT), was designed to empower the local communities. Empowerment of local communities was the key factor to remedy the targeting policy. CHAPTER 3 Overview of Central Java Economic Performance in 1996-2002 and Poverty Reduction Policies in Central Java 3.1. Overview of Central Java Economic Performance in 1996, 1999 and 2002 Located in the middle of Java Island, Central Java has a strategic position due to its regional economic development. Its northern part, which mainly has a low terrain and passed by main transportation route, has various kinds of economic activities, particularly a lucrative fishery on Java Sea. For that reason, infrastructure developed more rapidly in this area. While the southern parts main economic activity is a less productive fishery, the central part is mainly dominated by farming due to the mountainous terrain. This province consists of 35 districts, consisting of 29 kabupatens (regencies) and 6 kotas (municipalities). 8 Central Java is the third most populous province in Indonesia. The population of Central Java was 29,698,845 in 1996, 30,761,221 in 1999 and 31,691,866 in 2002. Kabupatens Brebes, Cilacap and Banyumas were the largest districts in terms of population; while Kotas Surakarta, Tegal and Pekalongan had the highest population density. The population density of those three districts was 11,734/km2, 8,609/km2, and 7,213/km2, respectively. . Generally, per capita income decreased in the period from 1997 to 1998. It should be noted that during this period, economic crisis occurred. Only three districts (Kab. Cilacap, Kota Semarang and Kab. Brebes) experienced an increasing per capita income during this period. Based on data presented in table 3.3, 1998s growth rate was negative, due to the economic crisis in 1997, which shrank the GRDP from Rp. 43,129,839 million in 1997 to Rp. 38,065,274 million in 1998. Looking at the economic structure, the largest contributor of Central Java economy was the manufacturing industry, followed by trade and agriculture The structure of Central Java in terms of employment was slightly different from the structure in terms of GRDP. As shown in table 3.5, the highest share of employment was registered by the agriculture sector, followed by trade and manufacturing. It indicated that agriculture sector had lower productivity compared to trade and manufacture. The 1997s economic crisis also had a negative impact on employment because many industries had to reduce their production cost, mainly their labor cost. The number of unemployed people increased from 552.914 people in 1996 to 599.237 people in 1997, and 831.435 people in 1998. 3.2. Poverty Reduction Policies in Central Java In 2002 central government initiated a poverty reduction program by establishing an independent board called Komite Penanggulangan Kemiskinan (KPK) or The Poverty Reduction Committee and Komite Penanggulangan Kemiskinan Daerah (KPKD) or The Regional Poverty Reduction Committee in each province. Poverty reduction policies in Indonesia are classified into two groups. The first is aiming at community development and the second includes the safety net programs. The aims of community development based programs are to create job opportunity, to develope local/regional capacity, infrastructure building, and to improve community based activities. These programs include the following programs. Inpres Desa Tertinggal ( IDT) / Presidential Instruction to Underdeveloped Villages According to Daly and Fane (2002), this is the first anti-poverty program in Indonesia. The aim is to raise the employment opportunities and household expenditures through community development. This program was targeted to underdeveloped villages in the form of a revolving block grant, where each village accepted Rp.20,000,000.00 per year for 3 years. The fund was distributed among groups of people based on each groups proposal, and should be used for productive activities. Program Pengembangan Kecamatan (PPK) / Kecamatan Development Program. Kecamatan is a sub district which consists of several villages. The Kecamatan Development Program (PPK) was a program that also included a revolving block grant, but the fund was distributed on kecamatan level. Each kecamatan is given a fund from Rp. 750,000,000.00 up to Rp. 1,000,000,000.00, which could be used to support the private sector economic activities as revolving loans or as a capital for providing public infrastructure. This program was supported by NGOs. Program Penanggulangan Kemiskinan Perkotaan (P2KP ) / Urban Poverty Alleviation Program The idea of this program was almost the same as PPK, except that this program was targeted specifically to kecamatan in urban areas. The aim is to mitigate poverty in urban areas by supporting economic activities with loans and creating jobs for unskilled workers. Each group given the fund has to return the loan within two years with low interest. 4. Program Percepatan Pembangunan Daerah Tertinggal (P3DT )/ Supporting Infrastructure Development of Underdeveloped Villages (Desa). This is the newest program which replaced IDT program. The program has been implemented by local governments and NGOs. Hence, the NGOs help to facilitate recipient groups in each of the planning, implementation, evaluation, and report making stages. Program Pemberdayaan Masyarakat akibat Dampak Krisis Ekonomi (PDMDKE)/ Regional Empowerment to Overcome Economic Crisis Impact. This is a special program to overcome the impact of economic crisis through labor intensive activities. The aim of this program was to create jobs and to build public infrastructure. Gerakan Terpadu Pengentasan Kemiskinan (Gerdu Taskin) / Integrated Movement for Poverty Eradication. This program was administered and coordinated under The Ministry of Demography / Indonesian Family Planning Board ( BKKBN). There are three targeted groups: Family This group includes poor household, the elderly, the disabled, the unskilled unemployed workers. The program provides, for example, foods, and subsidized contraception. Regional/areas Underdeveloped villages, slum areas, coastal areas are included in this category. The programs provides basic infrastructure, such as clean water piping and public toilets. It is also used to improve housing quality in these areas. Institutions This includes governments and non governmental organizations. The program is aimed at empowering these institutions in order to overcome poverty. Social safety net programs are in the second group of poverty reduction policies. These programs were made mainly in response to the 1997 economic crisis. They are aimed at meeting basic needs, by providing subsidized rice for the poor, supplementary foods for primary school pupils, and supplementary foods for children under five years old. Under social safety net programs, governments provided free health services and subsidies for primary school fees to the poor people. They also gave a specific block grant for schools and hospitals. In 2005, a new social safety net program started, after the central government reduced oil subsidy, especially a subsidy for kerosene which is widely used by poor households. Under this new program, each poor household received the sum of Rp. 100.000 per month. CHAPTER 4 Data and Methodology 4.1. Data This study used national socioeconomic survey (Susenas) carried out in 1996, 1999 and 2002. Susenas is a consumption based survey, conducted annually by the Central Bureau of Statistics of Indonesia (CBS) since 1963 (Core Susenas). In addition, there are three modules of Susenas that has been carried out every three years since 1981. One of the modules is the consumption expenditure module that captures more than 300 items of consumption expenditure for representative of 30 provinces. This study used the consumption expenditure module for Central Java that was conducted in 1996,1999 and 2002. The sample size for Central Java Province was 6,803 in 1996, 7,303 in 1999, and 7,374 in 2002, covering 35 districts. The consumption expenditure module is classified into food and non food categories. The food category consists of 216, 214 and 216 items, whereas the non food category consists of 103, 105 in 1996, 1999 and 2002, respectively. This module also presents the way those items are obtained, whether they are purchased in the market, self produced, or received as a gift. 17 All the data are in 1996 constant price because in the mid 1997, Indonesia was hit by the economic crisis that caused the growth rate of GDP to decline, from a positive 4.7 percent in 1997 to a negative 13.1 per cent in 1998. The crisis affected the living standards of the people because the inflation rate increased substantially due to large depreciation in rupiah against US dolar. In 1998 and 1999 the inflation rate was 57% and 20% respectively, but declined to 4 % in 2000. It increased again to more than 10% in 2001 and 2002. Therefore, nominal household expenditures need to be deflated using the consumer price index in 1996 as the base year. Household consumption expenditure data are very useful when we estimate individuals living standard. Many researchers have used household consumption expenditure as an indicator of an individuals living standard. The reason is that consumption expenditure is a better welfare indicator than income. The data can be used to measure poverty by setting a poverty line based on consumption expenditure. According to Central Bureau of Statistics of Indonesia (CBS), the poverty line is defined as the total expenditure in rupiah that are able to purchase foods needed to satisfy 2,100 calories energy requirement per capita per day. It is based on the recommendation of the National Workshop on Food and Nutrition in 1978, which states that in order to stay healthy, a person must consume as much as 2100 calories per day (Maksum, 2004). The method for computing the value of the daily minimum standard of living has improved over year. The poverty line was determined separately for urban and rural areas and also for each province since the basket of food items differs among urban and rural areas and provinces. The calculation is based on the average consumption of basic items, including 52 foods items and 46 non-food items. The poverty line set by BPS for Central Java in 1996 is Rp. 30,499 for rural, Rp. 40,075 for urban and Rp. 33,444 for overall (urban and rural) in terms of monthly per capita expenditure. 4.2. Methodology 4.2.1. The Measurement of Poverty In order to measure poverty, the class of poverty measures developed by Foster, Greer and Thorbecke (FGT) will be employed (Foster et al., 1984). By using the FGT index, a quantitative estimate of the effect of a change in subgroup poverty on total poverty can be obtained. The index is defined as follows: (1) where is total number of people, is the poverty line, is the total number of poor people, is the expenditure of individual and ÃŽ ± is a parameter. The formula can be redefined according to the value of ÃŽ ± . When ÃŽ ± = 0 (2) It is simply , that is the proportion of people living below the poverty line, known as the head count index . When ÃŽ ± = 1 (3) It presents the extent to which each individuals expenditure falls below the poverty line as a percentage of the poverty line. It is called the poverty gap index. When ÃŽ ± = 2 (4) It measures the severity of poverty. P2 is distribution-sensitive for any transfer of expenditure, since the square term gives a higher weight to poorer people. 4.2.2. Decomposing Change in Overall Poverty To analyze the change in overall poverty over the study period, this study uses the decomposition formula developed by Huppi and Ravallion (1991a, 1991b), where the change in overall poverty is decomposed into intrasectoral, population shift, and interaction effects. The decomposition formula is given as follows. In this decomposition analysis, we consider two sectors: urban ( = 1) and rural sectors ( = 2). (5) In this formula, is the incidence of poverty in sector i in year t, as measured by the FGT index with the parameter , while is the population share of sector i in year t. It should be noted that in this formula, refers to the population share, rather than the total number of people. presents the change in overall poverty due to the changes in the intrasectoral poverty ( = 1, 2). presents the change in overall poverty due to population shifts, i.e., due to the change in the distribution of population between urban and rural sectors. presents the interaction effect, which captures the correlation between the sectoral and population shift effects. Since this study uses Susenas data for 1996, 1999, and 2002, we analyze the change in overall poverty in two periods: from 1996 to 1999 and from 1999 to 2002. 4.2.3. Mapping the Incidence of Poverty Using Arcview GIS 3.3 (a software package), this study presents the incidence of poverty by Kabupatens (regencies) and Kotas (municipalities) on a map using the FGT index. The aim is to show the spatial distribution of poverty in Central Java, i.e., to see whether poor people are concentrated or dispersed. In order to present the distribution of poverty on a map, we classify all districts (i.e., all Kabupatens and Kotas) in Central Java into three groups: low, medium, and high poverty groups. The low poverty group includes those districts that have the FGT value smaller than , while the high poverty group includes those having the value higher than , where is the average value of the FGT index, is the standard deviation. The medium poverty group consists of those between and . CHAPTER 5 Poverty Incidence in Central Java From 1996 to 2002 5.1. Incidence of Poverty by Location (Urban and Rural Sectors) The incidence of poverty was higher in rural areas than that in urban areas in 1996 by any FGT measures (. The headcount index ()was 0.189 in rural areas, while it was 0.172 in urban areas in 1996, its means that rural areas had a larger proportion of poor people than urban areas. The poverty gap index () was also higher in rural than urban areas, as it was 0.032 and 0.029 in rural and urban areas, respectively, meaning that rural poverty was deeper than urban areas in 1996, though this was due mostly to the fact that rural areas had a larger proportion of poor people than urban areas. 22 The incidence of poverty increased significantly both in rural and urban areas in 1999. But the increase was more substantial in urban than rural areas, as the headcount index () was 0.215 and 0.227 in rural and urban areas in 1999, respectively. In 1999, both the headcount index () and poverty gap index () were larger in urban than rural areas. The economic crisis that occurred in 1997 seems to have a much larger impact on urban than rural areas in Central Java. Food prices skyrocketed because of the large depreciation of Rupiah against the U.S. dollar after the economic crisis, and many people lost their jobs due to the collapse of some industries. But the effects were much less severe in rural areas than urban areas, since many rural people were able to produce their foods by themselves, so that they could mitigate the impact of the inflation. In 2002, Central Java seems to have recovered from the crisis, as both the headcount index () and poverty gap index () decreased prominently in both rural and urban areas. The headcount index () was 0.100 and 0.099 in urban and rural areas, respectively, meaning that mere 10 percent of the people in Central Java were under the poverty line in 2002. In 1999 and 2002, rural areas had a much larger value than urban areas (0.020 vs. 0.012 in 1999 and 0.009 vs. 0.004 in 2002), even though both the headcount index () and poverty gap index () were smaller in rural than urban areas. This indicates that while rural areas had a smaller proportion of poor people than urban areas, their poverty was much more severe than urban poverty, meaning that there were a large number of extremely poor people in rural areas whose consumption expenditures were far smaller than the poverty line. 5.2. Incidence of Poverty by District (Kabupaten and Kota) and Its Spatial Pattern In 1996, Kabupaten Blora had the highest head count index (), which was followed by Kabupatens Grobogan, Wonosobo, Sragen, and Temanggung. On the other hand, Kota Magelang had the smallest head count index (), which was followed by Kotas Salatiga, Tegal, Pekalongan, and Kabupaten Pekalongan. Except Kabupatens Pekalongan, Demak, Sukoharjo, and Kudus, kabupatens had much larger values of the head count index () than kotas, showing that poor people were concentrated in kabupatens. The poverty gap index () had almost the same pattern as the head count index () in 1996. Kabupaten Blora had the highest poverty gap index (), which was followed by Kabupatens Wonosobo, Sragen, Grobogan, Magelang, and Temanggung. On the other hand, Kota Magelang had the smallest poverty gap index (), which was followed by Kotas Salatiga, Tegal, Pekalongan, and Kabupaten Pekalongan. Again, except a few kabupatens, kabupatens had much larger index values than kotas. The number on the map shows the rank of districts with respect to poverty measures within Central Java. There were two major geographical clusters of poor districts

Interpretating the Title of A Midsummer Nights Dream :: A Midsummer Nights Dream, William Shakespeare

The title of the play A Midsummer Night's Dream can have many interpretations. I will give you my thoughts on the relationship of the title to the different situations that take place in the play. These interpretations give insight and overall meaning to the thematic nature of Shakespeare's work. Although I am only going to describe three interpretations of the title, there are many other meanings to the title. The first interpretation of the title of the play that comes to my mind was the magical dream-like night in the woods, when Robin Goodfellow and Oberon, the king of the fairies, used several kinds of love potions, and messed everything up. When the lovers awoke in the morning they thought all of the ridiculous things that had happened or been said the night before had just all been a dream. However, if Oberon had been more specific in his directions to Robin, "a sweet Athenian lady is in love with a disdainful youth. Anoint his eyes... thou shalt know the man by the Athenian garments he hath on," all of this could have been avoided and everything would have been fine (page 53). This gives insight to the thematic nature of the work by setting a magical like atmosphere for the lovers to be in. The second interpretation could be of the dream Bottom thought he had when Titania, the queen of the fairies, had fallen in love with him when he looked like an ass. He wasn't sure whether it was a dream or real because "the eye of man hath not heard, the ear of man hath not seen, man's hand is not able to taste, his tongue to conceive, nor his heart to report what [his] dream was" (page 135). The thematic nature of this is that there is no real explanation for love. Even Bottom himself said, "Reason and love keep little company together nowadays" (page 79). The third interpretation could have been that the entire play had been a dream. Shakespeare might have written down the play through the eyes of Robin Goodfellow. Since Robin was involved in almost all the scenes, maybe he had just fallen asleep one day in the woods and dreamed up all this love and magic.